After I went to sleep, I had 5 dream visions of cartoons.
For decades, the Kremlin had been testing and refining its influence operations in the new democracies of Eastern Europe. Russian cyber attacks, disinformation campaigns, and Kremlin supported political allies are nothing new to Ukraine or Georgia, which have been testing labs for Moscow since the early s.
Instead, the American public and policy makers were taken by surprise in the fall of Increased attention to the integrity of democratic elections is a positive, if unintended, consequence of the US experience.
But Russian influence operations go far beyond disparate elections. And indeed, most EU member states, including the EU and NATO, have established or reinvested in StratCom taskforces, hybrid threat centers, or cyber threat centers whose function is to do just that.
Greece, Italy, and Spain. In the aftermath of the economic crisis, Greece, Italy, and Spain experienced double digit unemployment and income drops coupled with reductions to social safety nets. Alina Polyakova et al. And while in the long run, these policies helped shore up the economies signs of recovery emerged inin the short term, they bred resentment among citizens against the EU, mainstream parties, and the Western model of liberal democracy.
Then, Syrian refugees began arriving by the thousands on the Italian and Greek shores. These already struggling economies became the first entry point for the millions that would arrive in andfurther polarizing these societies and Europe as well.
In all three countries examined in this report, the economic crisis is the watershed moment that facilitates 2 doubt in the Western system and centrist parties and thus primes citizens to look beyond mainstream politics toward more radical political parties on the far right or far left.
At first blush, parties like the leftist Spanish Podemos, the nationalist Northern League and populist 5 Star Movement M5S in Italy, and the governing Syriza party in Greece appear to have little in common in terms of policy. Northern League and Syriza are traditional parties while M5S and Podemos style themselves as movements.
Despite significant differences in their political visions, however, these parties share one thing: Some have made this intention more explicit than others. Communist or rightwing nationalist, what matters is that these parties advocate Russian interests, vote against common EU foreign policies, and undermine establishment parties to engender chaos and instability from within Europe.
The case studies reveal that the extent of Russian political influence and investment in forging political relationships varies between countries. Italy is most Map 1.
In the fall ofM5S was consistently polling as the most popular party in Italy. With Italy poised for elections in earlyan M5S win could dramatically shift Italian foreign policy away from EU cooperation, support for common defense, and continuation of economic sanctions against Russia.
Russian oligarchs with close ties to the Kremlin have bought stakes in Greek media. And most notably, Putin has maintained a close relationship with the Greek leadership.
Despite these ties, Moscow is only willing to go so far in supporting its allies. InGreece was still reeling from the fallout of the economic crisis, which almost led the country to default on its debt. That spring, Tsipras traveled to Moscow to meet with Putin.
Tsipras walked away empty-handed, nonetheless. There are two reasons for this: Russia cannot match China, for example, in investing in infrastructure projects or buying up national debt. Russia is not a major foreign investor in Western European countries.
Second, as a result of its economic limitations, the Kremlin is constantly engaged in a cost-benefit game to assess how to achieve its foreign policy goals with minimum investment. For this reason, asymmetric measures— disinformation, cyber attacks, cultivation of political allies, and corruption—that are far less expensive than economic investment or conventional military activities but have great destabilizing potential, are the preferred tools of choice for the Kremlin.The objective of the case is to determine whether or not Whirlpool Corporation should adopt a planned ERP project in Europe вЂ“ project Atlantic.
Whirlpool & Project Atlantic Whirlpool is worldwide leader in the home appliances industry, with a 13% share of EuropeвЂ™s market. He was promoted to Project Engineer within the Maryland/Virginia area, became a Regional District Manager of the Mid-Atlantic region, and eventually became responsible for Lane’s Plants and Paving segment, nationwide.
Gadus morhua (Atlantic Cod) and Melanogrammus aeglefinus (Haddock) are among the major economically important species.
Near the island of Mosken, close to the tip of the Lofoten archipelago, a strong tidal current has been widely known for centuries to occasionally form a strong and dangerous whirlpool, the Maelstrom.
Free College Essay Whirlpool Europe - Project Atlantic. Introduction This case study highlights Whirlpool Corporation - Europe plans to evaluate project Atlantic, with emphasis on capital budgeting.
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Project Natick is more than just a nod to the Massachusetts town — it's Microsoft's pursuit of a renewable energy frontier. The U.S., in contrast to "space constrained" Europe, doesn't use offshore wind as an alternate form of energy that much.